simplification of verb paradigms in eME

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The current page deals with the following aspects of changes to noun paradigms in eME:

• core vs optional grammar
• assimilation
• extending the pattern in verbs
• simplification of present tense forms in strong verbs
• OE contracted verbs ("h-less")
• gemination
• double consonant becomes single in preterite
• ferien, herien

core vs optional grammar

The changes to verb paradigms which were complete by 1100 pass to both the core grammar and the optional grammar of eME. Changes which were underway in early Middle English pass to the core grammar but not to the optional grammar. For a detailed discussion, see Normalisation 3: grammar.

The core grammar, which has fewer anomalies and exceptions, is aimed at the beginner. This is the grammar that appears in Audrey and the attercop, book 1 of Englisc buten taeres (the first 800 words). The optional grammar, which inherits more of OE's anomalies and exceptions, appears in normalised versions of OE and ME texts, and in the weblog of this site.

assimilation

assimilation of present tense forms

The assimilation of the present tense forms works in different directions for strong and weak verbs. In both cases, a single stem emerges:

• in weak verbs, the infinitive and present participle as well as the 1st person and plural present tense forms, are assimilated to the preterite and 2nd and 3rd person singular present tense forms, like so:
  • OE class 2 ~ian ~ie ~iat` ~iende endings become ~en ~e ~en ~ende; e.g.
    lufian lufie lufest lufet` lufiat` lufiende lufode >
    lufen lufe lufest lufet` lufen lufende lufede¹;
  • OE class 2 stems that end in a vowel have <g`> rather than <i>: ~g`an ~g`e ~g`at` ~g`ende, as well as syncope; however the assimilation is identical e.g.
    sme_ag`an (ponder) sme_ag`e sme_ast sme_at` sme_ag`at` sme_ag`ende sme_ade >
    smaen smae smaest smaet` smaen smaende smaede;
  • similarly, OE class 1 gemination (doubling) of the consonant at the end of the root syllable, disappears in eME; e.g.
    fremman (perform) fremme fremest fremet` fremmat` fremmende fremede >
    fremen freme fremet` fremen fremende fremede¹;
• in strong verbs, the 2nd and 3rd person singular present tense forms, assume the vowel of the infinitive and 1st person and plural present tense forms; e.g.
  helpen/hilpst sprecan/sprict` > helpen/helpest speken/speket`.

Note that gemination remains in the optional grammar.

assimilation in strong contracted verbs

In the core grammar, assimilation of present tense forms in strong contracted verbs, entails the following:

• in class 1, 2, 5 & 6 strong verbs, <g> from the past tense stems, is extended to the stem of the infinitive and all present tense forms; e.g. OE te_on te_o ti_ehst ti_eht` te_ot`, te_ah tugon togen > eME te__gen te__ge te__gest te__get` te__gen, taeh tugen togen;
• in class 7 strong verbs, <ng> from the past tense stems, is extended to the stem of the infinitive and all present tense forms; e.g. OE fo_n fo_ fe_hst fe_ht` fo_t`, fe_ng fe_ngon fangen > eME fangen fange fangest fanget` fangen, fe__ng fe__ngen fangen;
• in class 1 strong verbs, the vowel of the infinitive and 1st person singular and plural present tense forms, conforms to the <i__> of the 2nd and 3rd person forms: OE wre_on (wri_ga) wre_o wri_hst wri_gd` wre_ot` > eME wri__gen wri__ge wri__gest wri__get` wri__gen;
• in class 6 and 7 strong verbs, the vowel of the infinitive and 1st person singular and plural present tense forms, conforms to the <a> of other class 6 and 7 strong verbs, e.g. OE t`we_an t`we_a t`wiehst t`wieht` t`we_at`, t`wo_h t`wo_gon t`wagen > eME t`wagen t`wage t`wagest t`waget` t`wagen, t`wo__h t`wo__gen t`wagen;
• the four strong contracted verbs that have survived to ModE as see, flee, slay, flay, follow a pattern in eME that will be familiar to ModE speakers:
  • in se__n, fle__n, slaen, flaen, <h> falls from the 2nd and 3rd person singular present tense forms, e.g. OE se_on se_o siehst sieht` se_ot` > eME se__n se__ se__st se__t` se__n;
  • fle__n becomes a weak verb with past forms fledde pt sg 1/3 ifled p ptc.

In the optional grammar, assimilation of present tense forms in strong contracted verbs, entails the following:

• in all classes, the stem of the infinitive and 1st person and plural forms has no final consonant; e.g. te__n te__;
• in classes 1 to 5, the <h> is retained in the 2nd and 3rd person forms; e.g. te__hst te__ht`;
• in class 1, the stem vowel of the infinitive and 1st person and plural forms is assimilated to the stem vowel of the 2nd and 3rd person forms, which is the standard stem vowel for that class; e.g. OE wre_on wre_o wri_hst wri_ht` wre_ot` > eME wri__en wri__e wri__hst wri__ht` wri__en;
• in classes 6 and 7, in the 2nd and 3rd person forms, the <h> can be dropped, and the stem vowel is assimilated to the infinitive (and 1st person and plural forms): OE fo_n fo_ fe_hst fe_ht` fo_t` > eME fo__n fo__ fo__st fo__t` fo__n.

For more detail on strong contracted verbs, see below.

unaccented vowels

The levelling of unaccented vowels to schwa /@`/, observed in other parts of speech, also affects verbs, so that:

• the OE infinitive ending ~(i/g`)an becomes ~en;
• OE weak class 2 preterite stem ~od~ becomes ~ed~.

Unstressed <e> in verbs

Elision of the unstressed <e> in the 3rd person singular present and both 3rd person preterite forms, is optional:

• wrey%en wrey%e wrey%est wrey%et` wrey%ede wrey%d (or wrey%st, wrey%de etc)
• say%en say%e say%est say%et` say%ede say%ed (or say%st, say%de etc)

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extending the pattern in verbs

East Midland sources are fairly conclusive on the loss of <i> in the stem of class 2 weak verbs. Thus we have Orm lufenn and Ch love(n). We also see assimilation in verbs from the OE's class 3 weak verbs - PC2 saein and Orm sey%y%enn sey%y%t`, where OE had sec`g`an saeg`th. We see assimilation as far back as OE itself in class 2 weak verbs with <g`> between the stem and ending, e.g. sme_an as well as standard sme_ag`an. That trend continues in eME with PC1 freon (< fre_og`an).

However, the evidence for the concurrent loss of gemination in class 1 verbs is thin. There aren't any examples of verbs like fremen in Orm or PC2 or Ch. In any case, even if Orm had instances of fremmen or ic fremme, it would be difficult to draw any conclusion, since Orm uses a double consonant to indicate a preceding short vowel. Nevertheless, TH (Homilies in Cambridge, Trinity College), a text that dates from 1200, has fremen in the sense 'perform, accomplish'.

We know then that the assimilation we see in class 2 and class 3 verbs, also existed to some degree, in class 1 verbs, around the year 1200. On that basis, I've applied principle 4 of the five basic principles. That is - I've extended a levelling pattern evident in the three classes of weak verbs, to all weak verbs, in order to simplify the verb paradigms of eME.

Note that because there is no explicit support for the dropping of gemination in either Orm or PC2, gemination in class 1 weak verbs remains in the optional grammar.

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simplification of present tense forms in strong verbs

In OE, the vowel of the second- and third-person singular forms of the present tense of strong verbs often differed from that in the infinitive. Most OE grammars list strong verb paradigms which show only forms with i-mutation: lu_can s2 ly_ct`, helpan s3 hilpt`, stelan s4 stilt`, sprecan s5 sprict`, flo_wan s7 fle_wt`.

However, i-mutation of the second- and third-person singular of strong verbs was by no means universal. Boswell cites the following examples, (in addition to mutated forms): D`u__ monegum helpst...He__ helpet` t`earfan parcet...d`u__ bru__cest... he bru__cet`... Gif frigman fre__um stelt`... sprecet`... flo__west... flo__wet`. The extent of the confusion is perhaps most starkly illustrated by sle__an: slehst slieht` sliht` slaeht` are all recorded in Boswell.

This complexity disappears altogether by the beginning of the ME period in the East Midlands, but can still be seen here and there in the early 13th century in the West Midlands and Southern dialects. Thus, while AW still has kimet`, Orm has cumesst cumet`t`. The assimilation of 2nd and 3rd person present tense forms is widespread in pre-1250 texts: 1225 helpet`, 1250 helpest and Orm beresst, beret`t`, bruket`t`, dellfet`t`, fallet`t`, hatet`t`, speket`t` to cite just a few more examples.

Note also Orm biddet`t`, bitet`t`, ridet`t`, singet`t` where OE often had syncope, especially after a dental consonant: bitt, bi_tt, ri_tt, singt`.

In fact the simpler paradigm in which the vowels of all present tense forms match their respective infinitives, is so firmly entrenched in early ME sources that there is no need to call on principle 4. Since i-mutation of 2nd and 3rd person forms is missing in all relevant strong verbs in both Orm and PC2, this grammatical feature doesn't pass to the optional grammar.

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OE contracted verbs ("h-less")

OE contracted verbs are those strong verbs which once had an <h> in the infinitive form, in Primitive Old English, but which had lost this by the 8th century, the era of our earliest surviving records of the written language. That <h> survived in the 2nd and 3rd person singular preterite form, right up to Chaucer's time. These "h-less" infinitives can be found in 5 different strong classes:

• s1 - pOE *wri_han, wra_h > OE wre_on (wri_ga), wra_h (cover/wrap)
• s2 - pOE *te_han, tae_h > OE te_on, tae_h (draw)
• s5 - pOE *sehan, saeh > OE se_on, seah (see)
• s6 - pOE *slahan, slo_h > OE sle_an, slo_h (strike/slay)
• s7 - pOE *fahan, fe_ng > OE fo_n, fe_ng (seize/grasp)

Side-by-side comparison of strong verbs - standard vs contracted

These contracted verbs present a couple of anomalies or complexities which are not found in the standard paradigms of their respective classes, as the following comparisons attest. Note that the i-mutation of the 2nd and 3rd person present tense forms in both standard and contracted types, is not dealt with in the observations below:

class 1

In the class 1 strong contracted verbs, we see two anomalies:

1. <h> is missing from the end of the stem in the infinitive, present 1st person singular and present plural forms;
2. the stem vowel in the infinitive, present 1st person singular and present plural forms, is <e_o> rather than <i_>;

classes 2 & 5

The class 2 and class 5 strong contracted verbs can be treated together:

In the class 2 and class 5 strong contracted verbs, we see a single shared anomaly:

1. <h> is missing from the end of the stem in the infinitive, present 1st person singular and present plural forms;

class 6

In the class 6 strong contracted verbs, we see two anomalies:

1. <h> is missing from the end of the stem in the infinitive, present 1st person singular and present plural forms;
2. the stem vowel in the infinitive, present 1st person singular and present plural forms, is <e_a> rather than <a>;

class 7

In the class 7 strong contracted verbs, we see three anomalies:

1. <h> is missing from the end of the stem in the infinitive, present 1st person singular and present plural forms;
2. the stem vowel in the infinitive, present 1st person singular and present plural forms, is <o_> rather than <a>;
3. the <n> of the preterite and past participles stems, is missing in the infinitive and present tense stems;

First thoughts arising from these comparisons

As stated above and at basic principles, my goal is to simplify verb paradigms within a related group of eME verbs, wherever a levelling pattern is evident in pre-1250 MED sources. As we have just seen, there are anomalies in the paradigms of contracted strong verbs, which involve both the stem vowel and the absence of a final stem consonant.

The question is - to what extent is levelling of these anomalies in the paradigms of contracted verbs, supported in ME?

As it turns out, there is considerable evidence of levelling of contracted verbs in pre-1250 sources. Already in OE (perhaps more so in the Anglian dialects), <h> is dropped at times from 2nd and 3rd person present tense forms. That is increasingly evident in ME. On the other hand, <g> is occasionally inserted at the end of the stem in infinitives and in 1st person and plural present tense forms. This begins in OE and continues in ME where <y`> (or <h>) often replaces the <g> spelling. We'll examine this in more detail below.

<h>, <g> and <y`>

Bear in mind that <h> /h/ doesn't occur between vowels in OE or ME ⁵. So when I talk below about extending (or restoring) <h> throughout the present tense paradigm of an eME reflex of an OE contracted verb, that extension can only be via a related sound. As we'll see in the examples below, <h> is generally restored as /G``/ with a <g> or <y`> spelling ⁶. Note that this levelling could also be seen as an extension of <g> (or <ng>) from the preterite and past participle forms to the present tense.

In the following selection of entries drawn from the MED, you'll see a range of verb forms for each of the sixteen strong contracted verbs, with a focus on pre-1250 sources. Among them is a fair smattering of <g> (or <h>), in both infinitive and present tense stems.

The OE strong verbs affected are:

• class 1: le_on, si_gan/se_on, te_on, t`e_on, wre_on (wri_ga)
• class 2: fle_on, te_on
• class 5: g`efe_on, ple_on, se_on
• class 6: fle_an, le_an, sle_an, t`we_an
• class 7: fo_n, ho_n

Selection of MED entries for each OE contracted strong verb

le_on s1 ligen p ptc

to lend, grant

li_h imp sg la_h pt sg3 ligen p ptc;

The MED has lenen v w inf from lae_nan v w inf, but not *le_n/*li_en/*li_gen v s1 inf.

OS far-li_han, OHG li_han, Goth leihwan

si_gan (se_on/si_on) s1 sigen p ptc

I to sink, descend; II to strain, filter, ooze, trickle

sa_h sigon pt sigen p ptc

MED si_en inf; 1200 syht`, 1381 seth pr sg3; AW siy`et`, 1225 seiy`eð pr pl; 1225 seh pt

Note - both Clark Hall ¹ and Bosworth & Toller ⁴ list si_gan with the two definitions above, and se_on with the latter definition only, while Wright ³ identifies se_on (strain) as one of the contracted class 1 strong verbs, separately from si_gan (sink).

te_on (ti_on) s1 tygen/togen p ptc

to accuse

ty_hst ti_ht` te_ot` pr te_o sbj pr sg te_ah tugon pt tuge sbj pt sg tygen/togen p ptc;

MED te_n (1250 tegen) inf; 1450 tyxste pr sg2, 1300 tiy`th pr sg3, 1150 teo sbj pr sg;

Note - in OE this verb seems to have largely shifted to the conjugation of te_on s2 (from pOE *te_ohan)

OS af-ti_han, OHG zi_han, Goth teihan

t`e_on s1 t`igen/t`ogen p ptc

to thrive, flourish, prosper

t`i_hd` pr sg3 t`e_ot`/t`i_gat` pr pl t`e_o sbj pr sg t`e_onde pr ptc t`a_h/t`e_ah t`igon/t`ugon pt t`igen/t`ogen p ptc;

MED the_n (1250 d`en) inf; 1175 d`ihd` pr sg3; Ch then inf theech (thee ich) pr sg1; TH 1200 t`ied` pr sg3; 1150 t`eah pt s3, 1250 d`ogen pt pl/p ptc

OLG/OS thi_han.

Note - this verb has a foot in at least two camps. Forms consistent with classes 1, 2 and class 3 are recorded. For more detail, see footnote below. The normalised eME in this site uses only class 1 forms with this verb.

wre_on (wri_ga) s1 wrigen p ptc

to wrap, cover

wre_o wri_hst wri_gd` pr sg wre_od` pr pl wre_ah (a_) wrigon pt;

MED wri_en (Lmn wriy`en, AW wrihen, 1250 wrihe) inf; AW wrihe pr sg1; AW wrihd` pr sg3, SO 1330 writ`, Ayb 1340 wriy`t`; AW wrihed`, Ayb 1340 wret` pr pl; 1175 wriy`en pt pl; Lmn iwriy`en, 1300 wriy`e p ptc

OHG int-ri_han

Note - the MED cites an alt OE infinitive form wri_gan, which Clark Hall ⁶ doesn't list; however Bosworth & Toller ⁷ has an entry for wri_ga verb (to cover).

fle_on (fli_on) s2 flogen p ptc

to flee

fli_onde pr ptc fle_o fli_hst/fly_hst fli_ht`/fly_ht` pr sg fle_ot`/fli_ot`/fly_t` pr pl fle_ah fluge flugon pt

MED fle_n (Orm fle(o)n, Lmn fleon, AW fleo, 1325 fle, 1400 fleiy`en) inf; Owl flyhst/fliy`ste pr sg2; Orm fle(o)t`, Lmn flet`/flict`, Owl fliy`t, 1250 flet` pr sg3; Lmn fle(o)nde, 1175/1200 fleonde pr ptc; Lmn fliy`/fle(o), AW flih imp sg; 1250 fledde, 1300 fle(d)de, 1325 fled, Ch 1375 fledde pt sg3; Lmn floy`en pt pl; Lmn 1300 ifloy`e, 1325 fled, Ch 1395 fled p ptc

OS fliohan, OHG fliuhan, Goth t`liuhan

te_on s2 togen p ptc

to draw, tow, tug; draw near, approach

te_o ty_hst tieht` (ti_ht`/te_ht`) te_ot` pr te_oh imp sg te_onde pr ptc te_ah tugon pt

MED te_n (Lmn teon, AW teon, 1400 tegh) inf; Lmn tid`, Owl tiht`, 1200 ted`, 1300 ted` pr sg3; AW teod`, 1250 tgen, SO 1330 tet` pr pl; Owl teo pr sbj sg; Lmn taeh pt sg3; 1150 tugen, Lmn tuy`en, AW tuhen pt pl; 1250 togen p ptc

OS tiohan, OHG ziohan, Goth tiuhan

(g`e)fe_on s5 fegen (faegen) p ptc

to rejoice

feogad` pr pl feah fae_gon pt

not found in MED

ple_on s5 *plegen p ptc

to risk, expose to danger

pleah pt

not found in MED

se_on s5 sewen/segen p ptc

to see

se_o siehst sieht` (si_t`) se_od` (si_ot`) pr seh (i/io) imp sg seah sa_won/sae_gon pt

MED se_n (Orm sen/seon, Owl ison) inf; Orm seo, Owl iso, 1335 se pr sg1; Orm sest (eo), Lmn sehste, Owl sichst, 1275 sixst, 1300 sext/sixt/sicst pr sg2; PC1 sed` (eo), Orm set` (eo), 1175 sihd`, 1225 sicd`, Owl sut`, 1250 sikt`, Ch seth, 1396 sey`t pr sg3; Orm seo, Lmn sey`e, Owl so sbj pr sg; Orm sen, 1250 sen, 1300 seth, Ayb 1340 zyet` pr pl; Lmn isaeh pt sg3; 1200 segen, 1250 sey`en, 1275 seghen, 1300 seiy`en pt pl; 1335 seiy`en p ptc

Note - the MED lists seiy`en and sey`e as infinitive forms, seghe as pr sg1, and say`e, saghe, sauy`en as pt pl, at the top of its article on se_n.

OS sehan, OHG sehan, Goth saihwan

fle_an s6 flagen p ptc

to flay

*flo_h *flo_gon pt

MED flen (Lmn flan/flean, 1275 flo, 1300 flon, 1300 fleye) inf; AW flea sbj pr sg, 1333 flagy`st pr sg2; 1390 fleth pr sg3; 1300 Hav flowe, 1350 flogh pt sg3; Lmn iulay`ene, 1300 yflawe, 1340 Ayb vlay`e, Ch flayn p ptc

ON fla_, MDu vla`en vla`eghen, ProtoG *flahana

le_an s6 *lagen p ptc

to blame, reproach

lyht` le_at` pr lo_h lo_gon pt

not found in MED, but Wikt. cites lough pt sg3

ON la_, OS/OHG lahan, Goth laian

sle_an s6 slaeg`en/slagen p ptc

to slay, strike

slehst (sle_s) pr sg2 slieht`/slae_ht`/sle_t` (i/y) pr sg3 sleah imp sg sle_ande pr ptc slo_h slo_gon pt

Orm slaen/slan inf slast slaet`/slat` pr sloh sloy%h`enn pt slay%enn p ptc, Lmn slaen inf slaest slaed` pr sloh sloy`en pt, AW to sleanne inf dat slead`/slad` pr sg3 sloh slohen pt slein/slayn p ptc, SO slo inf slouy` pt sg3, Ch sleen inf sleest sleeth sleen pr slough/slow slowen pt slayn/slawen p ptc, MED sle_n (1300 sla, 1325 slan, 1340 Ayb slay`e, 1390 slawe) inf; 1325 slecst, 1325 slas, 1340 Ayb slast, 1372 slest pr sg2; 1225 sleihd`, 1303 slekt`, 1340 Ayb sslay`t/slay`t`, 1325/1340 slas, 1380 slet` pr sg3; 1225 LH slage, 1300 slext`, 1357 sla pr pl; 1350 slay` sbj sg pr?; 1340 Ayb slay`et` imp pl; PC2 sloghen pt pl; 1200 TH slaine, 1250 slagen, 1307 slaye, 1300 slan, 1325 slain, 1340 slayne, 1350 sleyn/slaw, 1393 Gower slawe p ptc

Notes - the spelling <y`> in Ayenbite of Inwyt (1340 Ayb) represents /G``/, e.g. foly`en, while <y> represents /j/, e.g. yeve, daye; the MED lists A sla_ inf, lOE slagen p ptc and slay`en inf at the top of its article on sle_n, the latter perhaps based on Ayb slay`e.

ON sla_, OS/OHG/Goth slahan

t`we_an s6 g`et`wegen ⁷ p ptc

to wash, cleanse

t`we_a d`wehst/t`wyhst d`weht` pr t`weh/d`uah t`we_ad` imp t`we_a t`we_an sbj pr t`wo_h t`wo_gon/d`wo_gan pt

MED thwe_n inf; 1175 d`weahd` pr sg3; 1200 t`weh imp sg; 1175 it`wey`en p ptc

ON t`va_, OS thwahan, OHG dwahan, Goth t`wahan

fo_n s7 fangen/fongen p ptc

to seize, grasp

fo_ fe_hst fe_(h)th/fo_hth fo_th pr fe_ng fe_nge fe_ngon pt fo_h fo_t` imp fo_ fo_n sbj pr fe_nge fe_ngen sbj pt

MED fongen/fo_n (Orm fon, fanngenn, Lmn fon, AW underuongen, Owl/1225/1250/1300/1303/Ch fonge, 1275 fong, PH3 foangen, 1300 fange) inf; Orm fot`, 1150 fot`, 1200 TH fod` fohd`, AW underued`, Owl ifot`, 1333 fanget`, 1393 Gower fonget` pr sg3; Owl fo pr pl sbj; Orm unnderrfanngenn, 1390 fongen, 1393 Gower fonge pr pl; PC2/AW underfeng, PC1/1175/Lmn feng pt sg3; Orm onnfengenn, Lmn on-fengen pt pl; PC1 gefangen p ptc

ON fa__/fanga, OS fahan/fangan, OHG fa__han, Goth fahan

ho_n s7 hangen p ptc

to hang

ho_t` pr pl ho_h imp sg he_ng he_ngon pt

MED hongen (Lmn hon, AW hon/hongin, Owl hongi, Ch hangen/honge) inf; Ch hange pr sg1; Lmn hangest pr sg2, AW hongi sbj pr sg2; Owl hot`, AW honged`, 1250/1307/1325/SO 1330/Ayb 1340 honget`, 1303/Ch hanget` pr sg3; Ch hangen pr pl; Orm/Lmn/Ch heng pt sg3; PC2 hengen pt pl; Ch hangen p ptc

Note - there is no record in the OE corpus of present tense singular forms for ho_n. OE also had hangian w intr (to hang, be hanged).

ON hanga, OHG hahan, Goth hahan

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double consonant becomes single in preterite

This affects ll, mm, nn, pp, rr.

Example: OE fyllan fylde g`efylled

Similarly: OE cennan, c`ierran, clyppan, cyssan, fiellan, mierran, spyllan, stillan, wemman

With one exception - the variant preterite spilt (alongside spilled), this change to the root in the preterite is not reflected in ModE.

This degemination persists to 1400. For example, Ch has kiste as well as the less common variant kissed.

On the other hand, retention of the double consonant begins early. HA 1200 has y%efullede pt sg3. And alongside custe we find cussede in Lmn and cussed in AW.

Given that the retention of the double cononsant in preterite forms is evident in pre-1250 texts, this rule - double consonant + <ed> = single consonant + <t> in preterite forms, has been shifted to the optional grammar.

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ferien, herien

We saw above that in ME, the infinitive and 1st person and plural present tense forms of class 2 weak verbs, are assimilated to the preterite and 2nd and 3rd person singular present tense forms. OE verbs with infinitives ending in ~ian, lose the <i> in ME. Their ME reflex has an infinitive ending in ~en, and all forms in the paradigm follow suit.

ferien (to transport, carry) and herien (to praise) are the two exceptions to this rule. In their case, assimilation takes place in the reverse direction: the preterite and 2nd and 3rd person singular present tense forms are assimilated to the infinitive form. Since their infinitive ends in ~ien, all forms - preterite included, have the <i> in their stem.

In other words, where OE has herian inf herie herast herat` heriat` pr herode pt sg3 g`eherod p ptc heriende pr ptc, eME has herien inf herie heriest heriet` herien pr heriede pt sg3 iheried p ptc heriende pr ptc.

There is a reason for the exeptional treatment of ferien and herien. These two verbs have <i> in their stems in eME because they have retained the <i> throughout the paradigm in either Ch or ModE or both. Ch has herie inf heriest pr sg2 heryed pt sg3 iheryed p ptc, while ModE has herry (obs.) and ferry ferries ferried ¹³. The MED lists them as ferien and herien

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