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simplification of adjective paradigms in eME

together with the simplification of definite and indefinite articles

Comparing the East Midland dialect of Early Middle English (eME) to Old English (OE), we note these key changes to adjective paradigms:

Note: unless specified otherwise, eME denotes the normalised early East Midland used in this site.

core vs optional grammar

The changes to adjective paradigms which were complete by 1150 are shared by the core grammar and the optional grammar of eME. Changes which were underway in early Middle English are found in the core grammar but not in the optional grammar. For a detailed discussion, see Normalisation 3: grammar.

The core grammar, which has fewer anomalies and exceptions, is aimed at the beginner. This is the grammar that appears in Audrey and the attercop, book 1 of Englisc buten tæres (the first 800 words). The optional grammar, which inherits more of OE's anomalies and exceptions, appears in normalised versions of OE and ME texts, and in the weblog of this site.

"a single trace" in PC2 and Orm

The extremely complex declension of the OE adjective has left only a single trace - the ending ~e. This is evident in both PC2 and Orm:

In PC2 "definite adjectives generally end in -e (or ) whatever their case, singular and plural, while indefinite adjectives have -e in the plural, though sometimes even this is lost in adjectives of more than one syllable."1 Note that here, 'indefinite' corresponds to the strong declension of many OE grammars while 'definite' corresponds to the weak declension (see below).

In Orm "The only inflection that the adjectives retain is the e of the plural and of the weak declension, as in mine wordess, þatt laþe flocc, the hateful multitude. oþerr, other is always strong: þatt oþerr bucc, the other he-goat."2

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declension of the adjective in OE

OE has a strong declension and a weak declension. And within each, endings vary for case and gender. Most adjectives decline in the same way as gōd:

The Strong Declension
masculine, neuter and feminine forms; in singular then plural
masculine neuter feminine masculine neuter feminine
  Singular Plural
nom gōd gōd gōd gōde gōd gōda
acc gōdne gōd gōde gōde gōd gōda
gen gōdes gōdes gōdre gōdra gōdra gōdra
dat gōdum gōdum gōdre gōdum gōdum gōdum
inst gōde gōde - - - -
The Weak Declension
masculine, neuter and feminine forms; in singular then plural
masculine neuter feminine masculine neuter feminine
  Singular Plural
nom gōda gōde gōde gōdan gōdan gōdan
acc gōdan gōde gōdan gōdan gōdan gōdan
gen gōdan gōdan gōdan gōdra/ gōdena gōdra/ gōdena gōdra/ gōdena
dat gōdan gōdan gōdan gōdum gōdum gōdum

declension of the adjective in eME

Case ceases to be of any significance for adjectives in the East Midland dialect of eME. The only variables are strong singular vs weak or plural:

In eME, gód "declines" like so:

sg pl
strong gód góde
weak góde góde

wa-, wō-stems in OE

In OE there was alternation in u/o/w throughout the paradigm of a handful adjectives including nearu (narrow) and ġearu (ready, prepared). According to Wright 10: "§ 435 ... w became vocalized to u (later o) when final and before consonants in prehistoric OE. (§ 265); whence masc. nom. sing., neut. nom. ace. sing, gearu from [PGmc] *garw-az, -an ... § 436. Like gearu are declined basu, beasu, purple; calu, bald; cylu, spotted; fealu, fallow; geolu, yellow; hasu, heasu, grey, tawny ; mearu, tender; nearu, narrow; salu, sealu, dusky, dark."

These adjectives had stem endings that fluctuated between <u> (or <o>) and <w> throughout the strong declension paradigm:

The Strong Declension
masculine, neuter and feminine forms; in singular then plural
masculine neuter feminine masculine neuter feminine
  Singular Plural
nom nearu (-o) nearu (-o) nearu (-o) nearwe nearu (-o) nearwa (-e)
acc nearone nearu (-o) nearwe nearwe nearu (-o) nearwa (-e)
gen nearwes nearwes nearore nearora nearora nearora
dat nearwum nearwum nearore nearwum nearwum nearwum
inst nearwe nearwe - - - -
The Weak Declension
masculine, neuter and feminine forms; in singular then plural
masculine neuter feminine masculine neuter feminine
  Singular Plural
nom nearwa nearwe nearwe nearwan nearwan nearwan
acc nearwan nearwe nearwan nearwan nearwan nearwan
gen nearwan nearwan nearwan nearora/ nearwena nearora/ nearwena nearora/ nearwena
dat nearwan nearwan nearwan nearwum nearwum nearwum

The paradigms for basu, calu, cylu, fealu, ġearu, ġeolu, hasu, mearu are similar.

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wa-, wō-stems in PC2 and Orm

Both PC2 and Orm have reflexes of OE nearu. PC2 has nareu sg strong while Orm has naru sg strong and narrwe pl. Lmn and AW mirror the PC2 form with nearow AW sg strong, nearewe AW sg weak, narewe Lmn sg weak.

Note that PC2 doesn't use the character <w>. The sound /w/ is routinely rendered as <u>. Given that the MED contains a few examples of strong singular forms with final <ew> (or <ow>), including AW nearow, the appropriate transcription of PC's final <eu> in eME is <ew>.

The reduction in complexity for the reflexes of adjective like nearu in eME, will produce a similar paradigm to that of gód (see above). If we follow Orm, the sole difference we can expect for this type is that in the strong singular, the final <-w> of the stem becomes a <-u> (in the absence of a following <e>). If we follow PC2, Lmn & AW on the other hand, the resulting paradigm will not differ at all from the standard paradigm:

Orm
sg pl
strong naru narwe
weak narwe narwe
PC2/Lmn/AW
sg pl
strong narew narewe
weak narewe narewe

In the next section I'll investigate the reflexes of wa-, wō-stem adjectives recorded in the MED prior to 1250, together with a few examples from later East Midland sources, e.g. Ch, before deciding the final shape of the paradigms in question, for both the core and optional eME grammar.

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wa-, wō-stems in the MED

The following is a list of extracts from the MED, one for each of the wa-, wō-stems found in OE (see above). These extracts focus on pre-1250 sources. I've inserted notes which I'll unpack in the following section.

basu, baswa
no MED entry
calu, calwa (caluw)
MED calwe
1230 Henricus..Willelmum le Calewe acc, weak (as expected) - name or term of address, NB -ewe; [1327 Gilbertus Calwe post-1250 but note weak (as expected)]
> ModE callow
cylu, cylwa (cylew)
no MED entry
MED related forculien darken by scorching
AW related forculet, forculiende not forcwul~ - supports kile as weak?
fealu, fealwa (fealewe)
MED falwe
Lmn ueldes falewe nom pl strong; Owl 1300 falew icumeþ of grene leue nom sg strong, NB -ew; [Ch falow nom sg strong, post-1250 but note -ow, twigges, falwe, rede and grene pl]
> ModE fallow
ġearo, ġearwa (ġearu, ġearowes)
MED yāre
VH 1150 gearewe acc pl? NB -ew; BH 1175 ȝearu nom sg strong; LH 1225 ȝaru nom sg strong; AW ȝarow nom sg strong, ȝarowe pl?; 1250 ȝeruh nom sg strong; Lmn ȝeærwe nom sg strong?, ȝarewe/ȝærewe pl, ȝæru/ȝaru/ȝare/ȝar nom sg strong; 1250 gere/gare nom sg strong; PC1 gare nom sg strong; Owl ȝarewe pl, ȝare pl; NB - removal stem alternation pre-1250; Ch yare pl
> ModE yare
ġeolu, ġeolwa (ġelewum, ġealewe)
MED yelwe
HA 1200 ᵹeoluwe blostma strong pl, NB -uwe; AW þenne is hit ȝeolow nom sg strong, NB -ow; LH 1225 þe ȝeolewe clað weak, NB -ewe; TH 1200 hire winpel … maked geleu mid saffran nom sg strong, NB -eu - cp PC2 nareu; LH 1225 ȝeluwe froggen pl, NB -uwe; 1175 Florentius: Geolofincg note -o where weak expected - combining form?; [Ch yelowe gooldes, nayles yelwe pl, post-1250 but note -owe]; 1159 Yolegreue note -e where weak expected - combining form?; 1221 Christina la Gelewe weak (as expected) - name, NB -ewe
> ModE yellow
hasu, haswa
no MED entry
MED related haswed dark in color, dusky,
ME *haswy, *hasi > ModE hawsey naut. > hazy?
mearu, mearwa (mearuwe)
MED meruw(e) no forms with stem vowel <a>
HA 1200 ᵹif þanne þe lichama mearuw si nom sg strong, NB -uw, hi beoð mearuwran cmp pl, ᵹenim þa wyrt swa mearwe pl acc; AW hwil ha beoð mearewe nom pl strong, NB -ewe
nearu, nearwa (nearewe, nearewum, nearuwe)
MED narwe
PC2 cæst þat was... nareu nom sg strong, NB -eu; Orm þatt illke child... wass leᵹᵹd inn an full naru cribbe (f acc) sg strong, note -u where -we might be expected for f acc but all cases are merged in nom, narrwe stiᵹhess pl (strong); PM 1175 Go we þane narewe pað acc sg weak, NB -ewe; Lmn i þon weie narewe (m acc) sg weak, NB -ewe; AW þe parlurs least & nearewest nom pl (weak?), NB -ew-, þet sterke dom... & se nearow nom sg strong (se = swá), NB -ow te nearewe nom sg? weak, NB -ewe, þah ȝe nearowe beon nom pl strong, NB -owe; 1250 þene neruwure ende of þe horne acc sg cmp weak, NB -uw-; [Ch This clyfte was so narw sg strong, NB -w, narwest sup]; Tristrem 1300 þe way was naru sg strong, NB -u
> ModE narrow
sealu, sealwa
MED salu
1400 salowe nom sg strong - earliest entry in MED
> ModE sallow

observations

What can we conclude from this?

  1. Keep in mind that what we are looking for is either:
    1. <w> appearing at the end of the stem in a singular noun in a strong context, i.e. in the absence of a definite article, demonstrative adjective or possessive pronoun; or
    2. <w> dropped from a plural noun (in any context) or from a singular noun in a weak context, i.e. in the presence of a definite article, demonstrative adjective or possessive pronoun.
  2. There is corroboration beyond PC2, AW and Lmn for the type narew narewe, i.e. a strong sg form ending in <-ew> and a weak/pl form ending in <-ewe>. This removal of stem alternation in found in six adjectives in pre-1250 sources.
  3. Forms with an epenthetic vowel before <w> such as calewe, falew, falow, ȝeoluwe, ȝeolow, ȝeolewe, ȝeluwe, yelowe, Gelewe, meruw(e), mearuw, mearewe, narewe, nearewe are very common5. In fact they predominate. And they appear in the earliest MED examples, which is not surprising since the epenthetic vowel dates from the OE period: caluw, cylew, fealewe, ġearowes, ġelewum, mearuwe, nearewe i.a.
  4. The case of ᵹare ᵹare in which the <w> is dropped entirely, appears to be unique. 6

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loss of alternation in wa-, wō-stems in eME

The key, particularly in regard to the early stages of learning a language, is to offer the simplest route. This is where principles 3 & 4 come into play. The upshot is that while OE wa-, -stems have a dual stem, their reflexes in the core grammar of eME, have a single stem.

In normalising the reflexes of wa-, -stems, the approach is as follows:

  1. we start with an adjective paradigm that we would expect to exhibit stem alternation, e.g. naru nar(e)we or ᵹaru ᵹar(e)we;
  2. in a pre-1250 text we find a form which removes the stem alternation for either the sg strong or weak/pl; e.g. naru sg strong > narew sg strong and ȝar(e)we pl > ȝare pl;
  3. via principle 3 the stem levelling of one form (e.g. pl) is extended to the remaining form (e.g. sg weak) within the paradigm; so ȝare pl is extended to ȝare sg weak;
  4. courtesy of principle 4, the paradigm levelling of the majority of wa-, wo- stems can be extended to the remaining few words in that group; e.g. the narew narewe pattern is extended to salew salewe etc;

Thus we have:

pre-1250 removal of stem alternation:
1. <w> absent throughout: ȝare pl
2. <w> in all forms: falew nom sg strong, ȝeolow nom sg strong, [geleu nom sg strong], mearuw nom sg strong, nareu nom sg strong, nearow nom sg strong, [nerewe acc sg strong]3, caluw, cylew nom sg strong
via principle 3 - extend removal of stem alternation throughout paradigm:
ᵹare ᵹare, falew falewe, ᵹelew ᵹelewe, marew marewe, narew narewe, calew calewe, kilew kilewe4
via principle 4 - extend pattern of simplified paradigm to entire group:
salew salewe
special cases - via principle 4 but without ModE reflex:
basew basewe, hasew hasewe

The precise form of the ending in the reflexes of wa-, -stems in the core grammar, i.e. <ew-> rather than <ow-/uw-> is determined by PC2, one of the two primary eME sources, with the support of Lmn, AW and Owl.

And that leads us back to the paradigms presented above for Orm on one hand and for PC2, Lmn and AW, on the other. This time they are rebranded as optional grammar and core grammar:

Optional grammar
sg pl
strong naru narwe
weak narwe narwe
Core grammar
sg pl
strong narew narewe
weak narewe narewe

Similarly: falew, ᵹelew, marew, calew, kilew, salew, basew, hasew

The sole exception is:

Optional grammar
sg pl
strong ᵹaru ᵹarwe
weak ᵹarwe ᵹarwe
Core grammar
sg pl
strong ᵹare ᵹare
weak ᵹare ᵹare

See also the closely related wa- and -stem nouns.

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irregular adverbs in OE and ME

The following sections deal with adverbs which are not formed simply by adding <e> to the corresponding adjective in OE. Some involve i-mutation (aka umlaut) in the adjective but not the adverb. Much of this irregularity was lost in the late Mercian dialect of OE. In others, no <e> was added to the stem.

no <e> added to the adverb

A few adverbs in OE had no final <e>. Several of these are adverbs of place which have similar forms in the ModE reflex: feorr (far), hēr (here), þǣr (there)

One OE/eME adverb without final <e> which would not be familiar to ModE speakers is: ǣr adv > ær adv > early (beforehand) adv

One ModE adverb, which is indistinguishable from the corresponding adjective, differs from its eME predecessor in that respect: lang adj lange adv > láng adj lánge adv > long adj/adv

i-mutation in the adjective

Wright 11 lists certain OE adjective-adverb pairs in which the adjective displays i-mutation while the adverb does not. These forms merged in lOE, if not before. Clark Hall 13 and Bosworth Toller list both smēþe and smōþ as adjectives. In AW smeðe appears as both adjective and adverb. Orm has smeþe adj. The earliest entry for smóþ adj in the MED is from SO 1330.

Similar is sōfte which is listed as both adjective and adverb in Clark Hall, along with sēfte adj. The latter adjectival form is displaced by softe in eME. Orm has soffte adj while PC2, Lmn, AW and Owl all have softe adj. The MED has 303 entries for softe adj against 2 for sefte adj.

Clark Hall lists enge anxious as both adjective and adverb, and ange as a variant which redirects to enge. Orm has ange adj, without support from a second eME source, while the MED records no instances of enge . Note that ange doesn't qualify as an additonal eME form.

Clark Hall lists swōt as an adjective with adverbial counterpart swōte along with swēte adj and swētlīce adv. swote is an adjective in both AW and Ch with corresponding adverb swoteliche in AW. Orm has swet as adjective and swete as adverb while AW and Owl have swete adj. Note that Orm's adjectival form without <e> isn't supported by a second eME source.

The upshot is that the core eME grammar uses sméþe adj/adv, softe adj/adv, enge adj/adv, and swéte adj/adv.

In additon, the optional grammar uses the eME forms inherited from standard OE forms: smóþ adj, smóþe adv, swót adj, and swóte adv.

adverbs ending in -unga

Some of these survive to eME, e.g. fǣrunga suddenly, unexpectedly > BH 1175 feringe. However in most cases, if not all, a form ending in -like/liche with similar meaning, is more common, e.g. Orm færlike, PC1 fearlice, AW ferliche, Lmn færliche, 1250 ferlike.

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irregular comparatives in OE and ME

In OE most adjectives form the comparative and superlative with -ra and -ost respectively, e.g. blīþe happy > blīþra happier, blīþost happiest.

The comparative and superlative of adverbs were formed by adding -or and -ost respectively, e.g. fæġere fairly > fæġror more fairly, fæġrost most fairly.

i-mutation

In OE, a small number of adjectives had i-mutation (aka umlaut) in their comparative forms. The most common of these are listed below, together with a selection of corresponding forms from the MED as well as the forms used in the core and optional eME grammars of this site:

brād, brǣdra/brādra, brádost
1300/1400 braddere, 1350/1384/1400 bradder, Ch brodder
core: brádere (< ModE broader + OE var brādra)
optional: brædre
eald, ieldra; A ald, ældra, ældest (lOE A ā ǣ ǣ)
PM 1200 elder (alder/eldre), Lmn eældre (elder), 1225 eldest, 1250 eldere, Ch elder
core: eldere
optional: eldre
feorr, fierra/fyrra, fierresta
PC1 firrer, AW firreste (e) w, (1198/1228 ferre w,) Ch ferreste w
core: ferrere
optional: firre
ġeong, ġingra (ie), ġingest
PC1 gingre (lone <i> form in MED), Orm ᵹunngre, Lmn ȝengestte (ȝeongeste), 1250 gungere
core: ᵹungere
optional: ᵹingre
grēat, grīetra (MED: WS grȳttra, A grēttra), grīetest
Lmn greatere/grætere/grettere/grættere, AW grettre/greattre, 1300 grettere, Ch gretter, grettest
core: grætere
optional: grettre
lang, lengra, lengest
Orm lenngre adv, AW lengre, Lmn lengre lengere, HR 1175 længre, VV/TH 1200 lengere, 1250 lengre adv, GE 1250 lengere adv; note - no langere/longer pre-1250
core: lengere
optional: lengre
sċort (eo/y), sċyrtra, sċyrtest
MED: scort/sceort, sceortra/scyrtra; BT: scort, scyrtre/sceortran and scortostan (note - scyrtre is more common);
VH 1150 scyrtre, HR 1175 sceortre (/o/?); next earliest cmp with <e> is 1335 schorter; it seems most likely that OE positive had /o/ vowel while comparative had /y/, though shert occurs 2/3 times in MED
core: scortere (< ModE shorter + pre-1250 sceortre)
optional: scirtre
strang, strengra, strengesta; adv strange, strangor, strangost
MED lOE: strengere
PC2 strengere, Lmn strengeste, AW strengre, Owl strengur, Ch strenger(e); no pre-1250 stronger/strangere cmp; earliest are Lmn 1300 strangere, Hav strangest, 1325 stranger and 1340 Ayb stranger
core: strengere
optional: strengre

The upshot is that only eldere, lengere and strengere retain the i-mutation in the core grammar. Five other adjectives - brád, fer, ᵹung, græt and scort, retain the i-mutation in comparative forms in the optional grammar.

adverbs

The list of irregular comparatives in eME is shorter for adverbs. According to Wright 12, OE had five adverbial comparative forms with mutated stem vowel and no ending: ēaþe īeþ ēaþost (easily, more easily, most ~), feorr fi(e)rr/fyr(r) fi(e)rrest/fyrrest (far, further, furthest), lange leng lengest (long, longer, longest), sōfte sēft softly, more softly, and tulge tylg tylgest (firmly, more firmly, most ~). Two others - hēah hēar and nēah nēar are dealt with in the next section. Another pair have no positive form - ǣr formerly, sīþ later.

The following comparative adverbs are recorded in the MED for each of the OE adverbs indicated above:

  1. eðere, eiðer, æð, eð
  2. fir, firre, fer(re), ferrer, feor(re), feorror, forre, forror, fur(re), far(re), farrer, ver, verror; sup. first, ferrest
  3. leng
  4. softer
  5. -

Notes for each of these comparative adverbs:

  1. In texts dated before 1250 we find: TH 1200 eðere, PM 1250 eiðer which could be considered regular comparative formations from æþe adv. Both have an ending and a stem which is indistinguishable from that of the comparative adjective found in Lmn 1300 eþere adj cmp. Compare also AWadj. Comparative adverbial forms without an ending are BH 1175 æð and Lmn 1200 æð/eð. The core grammar form that emerges via Principle 3 is æþer. In the absence of an additional eME form and the lack of clear indication regarding i-mutation in this comparative form in early East Midland, the optional grammar form is inherited from the standard OE form: éþ.
  2. No ferrer adv cmp forms are recorded before 1250. The earliest are recorded in 1338 and 1350. 1338 and 1378 sources have ferrere. Note the later East Midland forms: Ch ferre, Pearl 1380 fyrre and Cl 1380 firre adv cmp, which feature i-mutation in two cases. Compare also Owl 1216 forre, Lmn 1300 vorre, 1300 furre, 1335/1350 ferre, 1300/1338/1350 farre and Gaw 1390 firre adv cmp. Without an additional eME form, the optional grammar inherits fir from OE. Note that Clark Hall doesn't make clear which of three variants (see above) should be considered the standard OE form. The eME form could be either fir or fer. The 14th century East Midland texts - Pearl and Cloud of Unknowing, nudge the decision in favour of the former.
  3. leng is well represented in the MED (36 quotations), from PC1 1121 to 1450. PC2, Lmn, Owl and Ch all have an instance of leng. Since longer adv cmp does appear in the MED as early as 1250, leng passes to the optional grammar only.
  4. seft adv cmp is missing in the MED. A search for 'seft' in the general search turns up only seft adj (2 quotations). Within softe adv, a browser search for the string 'seft' returns empty. There are however two instances of softer in that same page, dated 1378 and 1450 respectively. Ordinarily this form would be disregarded, since both ME sources fall after our cut-off year - 1250 (see Principles 2b and 3). The clincher is an OE variant softor adv cmp recorded in Boswell Toller. With the support of ModE, softer adv cmp qualifies an additional eME form, but the pre-1250 date alone allows it to pass to the core grammar via Principle 3. Meanwhile the optional grammar inherits seft adv cmp from the standard OE form.
  5. Given the absence of an entry for tulge or tilg in the MED, the optional grammar inherits tulge tilg tilgest from OE.

The five adverbs discussed above constitute, in the words of Principle 4: "a distinct group of words with shared characteristics". Pursuing this line, the degrees of comparison of an adjective or adverb are a grammatical pattern akin to the paradigm of an adjective or noun. So we can apply Principle 3 - "anomalies are excluded from the core eME grammar when evidence of levelling exists in a paradigm (or similar grammatical pattern) in a text dated before 1250". Hence three of the five comparative adverbs above: æþer, lánger, softer emerge via Principle 3, with corresponding superlative forms: æþest, lángest, softest. The anomalies of i-mutation in the stem vowel and no ending are removed. The standard comparative and superlative endings - -er and -est are added to the positive form. The pattern of these three comparative adverbs can then be applied to the remaining two in the group via Principle 4: ferrer ferrest, tulger tulgest.

The upshot is as follows:

  • Core grammar: æþer, lánger, softer, ferrer, tulger
  • Optional grammar: éþ, leng, seft, fir, tilg

stems with final <h>

hēah, hīehra/hīerra/hēahra, hīehst (ēa/ē/ȳ)
Orm hehre, hehᵹʰesst, PC1 hihste, Lmn heȝere hæhste, AW herre hehest, Ch heyȝere heyȝest
core: hégere, hégest
optional: héhre, héhst
nēah, nēara, nīehst (A nēh nēorra nēhst)
Orm nerre, Lmn nexte, AW neorre, nexte, 1200 neȝest, Ch ne(e)r, next(e)
core & optional: nérre, néhst

The divergence between the comparative forms of ModE high and nigh: higher highest vs near next7, begins in eME. The lone regular comparative form for néh in the MED prior to 1250 is neȝest which is clearly outnumbered by the contracted comparatives of the main eME sources - ne(o)rre and next(e). More importantly, Principle 3 would not allow *néᵹere *néᵹest in the core grammar, because the <e> of the comparative endings is also dropped in the ModE reflexes - near8 and next9. Note that the waters are a little muddied here by the fact that in ModE the commonly used positive form is the former comparative - near, which has spawned a new pair of comparatives - nearer and nearest. Nevertheless, the comparatives are contracted in eME.

In short, néh replaces the final consonant of the stem (<h/g>) with an <r> in the comparative and drops the <e> of the suffix in the comparative and the superlative. This applies to both the core and optional grammars. héh drops the <e> of the suffix in the superlative, in the optional grammar only.

adverbs

The comparatives of the corresponding adverbs are dealt with in similar fashion with similar results:

hēah, hēar/hēgur BT, hīehst
Orm heᵹʰesst, Lmn haxst, Owl herre, Ayb 1340 heȝere, heȝest, Ch heyest/hyest
core: héger, hégest
optional: hér, héhst
nēah, nēar, nīehst (A nēh nēor nēhst)
Orm ner, Lmn/AW neor, AW nest, Owl ne(o)r, Ch ne(e)r, next
core & optional: nér, néhst

the suffixes ~liċ ~licra ~licost

One of the suffixes used to form adjectives in OE was ~liċ. Examples are ǣnliċ (unique), ānliċ (solitary), ċildliċ (infantile), cyneliċ (royal), dæġliċ (daily), dēadliċ (deadly), ealdliċ (venerable), forhtliċ (afraid), ġearliċ (yearly), ġesinsċipliċ (conjugal), heofonliċ (heavenly), heteliċ (hostile), lofliċ (praiseworthy), lufliċ (loving, amiable, kind), mennisċliċ (human), mǣrliċ (famous), nytliċ (useful), stōwliċ (local), tīdliċ (temporary), wīfliċ (womanly).

The first thing to note is the divergence in sound of the stem-final consonant between the positive and comparative forms. ~liċ has /tʃ/, a voiceless postalveolar affricate, while ~licra and ~licost have /k/, a voiceless velar plosive.

The eME forms that emerge from these standard OE forms after eME sound and spelling changes are applied (see table X), are: ~lic ~licre ~likest. These are the forms listed in the optional grammar.

The core grammar on the other hand has two similar and interchangeable adjectival suffixes: ~liᵹ and ~lík which form their comparatives regularly by the addition of ~ere and ~est. Forms such as erþliᵹ and hefenlík appear in Orm and other eME sources and presage the ModE forms earthly, heavenly and childlike etc.

The second thing to note is the apparent lengthening of the vowel in the adverbial form derived from ~liċ in OE: ~līċe. At least that is the indication in Clark Hall. Boswell Toller on the other hand has either a short or long vowel in the adjectival suffix, e.g. eorþlīċ, ǣnlīċ but heofendliċ16, while Wright has a bet each way with a combined breve and macron diacritic for adverbs: cræftlī̆ce.

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  1. Burrow and Turville-Petre. A Book of Middle English Second Edition, Blackwell Publishers, 1992, pp 75-6
  2. Sweet, Henry. First Middle English Primer, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1909; p.45; online version »
  3. In the Trinity Homilies (1200) we find þureh nerewe hole (through narrow hole), in which the adjective ends in <-we>, which is interesting. hol was a neuter noun and þurh always preceded acc in OE. So in OE we would expect þurh nearu hol with a strong adjective, given there is no definite article nor possessive adjective. This example from the Trinity Homilies may indicate a confusion of acc with dat, but it could also indicate a merging of strong and weak forms.
  4. kilew is the sole member of this group without a reflex in ModE. The rest qualify as additional eME forms via principle 2 - ModE reflex plus appearance before 1250. Note that principle 3, which allows the removal of stem alternation (and other complexities) from a paradigm, only requires a pre-1250 source.
  5. Ch narwe is an interesting exception here, though the epenthetic vowel does appear in other words in Ch, e.g yelowe.
  6. ᵹare strong sg qualifies as an additional eME form via principle 2 - ModE yare (ready, prepared) plus a pre-1250 source (Owl ȝare). Given that the wa-, -stem adjectives and nouns can be considered as a block, we could also extend the pattern of nouns such as bale bales which drop the <w> thoughout the paradigm, to ᵹare ᵹare, without relying on the support of Owl ȝare pl.
  7. leaving aside the later development of near nearer nearest;
  8. Several comparative forms which retain the stem-final consonant, at least in writing, are found after 1400: 1400 negher, 1449 nyȝer, 1450 nyher, 1481 nygher; cf. 1325/1350/1400 neghest
  9. Lmn, AW, Ch and ModE replace <hs> with <x> which I have overlooked, given the lack of a *next form in both Orm and PC2 and the retention of the positive stem néh in néhst - the form derived from OE A.
  10. Wright, Joseph & Wright, Elizabeth Mary, Old English Grammar, London : H. Milford, Oxford University Press, 1914, p. 96
  11. Ibid, p. 280
  12. Ibid, p. 281
  13. Clark Hall J.R., A Concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, Cambridge University Press, 1960
  14. perhaps this varies according to the number of syllables