alternative approaches to contracted verbs
now superseded by the application of principles 3 & 4
The changes in eME verb paradigms, from their OE WS predecessors, can be summarised in these seven points:
- the OE infinitive ending ~(i)an becomes ~en;
- the OE present tense plural ending ~(i)at` becomes ~en;
- weak classes are reduced to one;
- in weak verbs, in the present tense, the 1st person and plural forms are assimilated to the 2nd and 3rd person singular forms;
- in strong verbs, in the present tense, the 2nd and 3rd person singular forms, assume the vowel of the 1st person and plural forms;
- in strong contracted verbs, the final consonant of the past participle stem, either <g> (G``) or <y%> (j) or <ng>, is extended throughout the infinitive and present tense stems; in classes 1, 6 and 7, the infinitive and present tense forms assume the standard present tense vowel of the respective class;
- in the preterite of strong classes 4 and 5, the plural form assimilates to the 1st & 3rd person singular form.
OE contracted verbs are those strong verbs which once had an <h> in the infinitive form, in Primitive Old English, but which had lost this by the 8th century, the era of our earliest surviving records of the written language. That <h> survived in the 3rd person singular preterite form, right up to Chaucer's time. These "h-less" infinitives can be found in 5 different strong classes as well as 1 weak class:
- s1 - pOE *wri_han, wra_h > OE wre_on, wra_h (cover/wrap)
- s2 - pOE *te_han, tae_h > OE te_on, tae_h (draw)
- s5 - pOE *sehan, saeh > OE se_on, seah (see)
- s6 - pOE *slahan, slo_h > OE sle_an, slo_h (strike/slay)
- s7 - pOE *fahan, fe_ng > OE fo_n, fe_ng (seize/grasp)
- w2 - pOE *sme_ahian, *sme_ahede > OE sme_ag`an, sme_ade (ponder)
the most recent scheme - retention of <h>
The following section describes a particular scheme which is now superseded. This scheme was the latest of those proposed prior to the application of principles 3 & 4. Also included are background notes for this scheme. The end of the description of this scheme is indicated with '##'.
assimilation of present tense forms
Assimilation in contracted verbs, entails the following:
- in strong verbs, either <h> falls from the 2nd and 3rd person singular present tense forms, or <h> is restored to the infinitive and the 1st person singular and plural present tense forms; e.g. OE te_on te_o ti_ehst ti_eht` > eME te_n te_ te_st te_t` or te_hen te_he te_hst te_ht`;
- in class 1 strong verbs, the vowel of the infinitive and 1st person singular and plural present tense forms, reverts to <i_> when <h> is restored: OE wre_on (wri_gan) wre_o wri_hst wri_gd` > eME wre_n wre_ wre_st wre_t` or wri_hen wri_he wri_hst wri_ht`.
- in class 6 strong verbs, the vowel of the infinitive and 1st person singular and plural present tense forms, reverts to <a> when <h> is restored: OE sle_an sle_a sliehst slieht` > eME slae_n slae_ slae_st slae_t` or slahen slahe slahst slaht`.
- in weak verbs, <g> is restored throughout the paradigm, i.e. to the 2nd and 3rd person singular present tense forms, as well as the past tense forms and past participle; e.g. OE sme_agan sme_age sme_ast sme_at` smae_de > eME smae_gan smae_ge smae_gest smae_get` smae_gede;
In the core grammar, assimilation in strong contracted verbs, entails the following:
- in two strong verbs - se__n, fle__n, <h> falls from the 2nd and 3rd person singular present tense forms e.g. OE se_on se_o siehst sieht` se_ot` > eME se__n se__ se__st se__t` se__n;
- in all other strong verbs <g> is added to the end of the stem in the infinitive and all present tense forms, replacing <h> in the 2nd and 3rd person forms; e.g. OE te_on te_o ti_ehst ti_eht` te_ot` > eME te__gen te__ge te__gest te__get` te__gen;
- in class 1 strong verbs, the vowel of the infinitive and 1st person singular and plural present tense forms, conforms to the <i__> of the 2nd and 3rd person forms: OE wre_on (wri_ga) wre_o wri_hst wri_gd` wre_ot` > eME wri__gen wri__ge wri__gest wri__get` wri__gen;
- in class 6 strong verbs, the vowel of the infinitive and 1st person singular and plural present tense forms, conforms to the <a> of other class 6 verbs: OE sle_an sle_a sliehst slieht` sle_at` > eME slagen slage slagest slaget` slagen.
In the optional grammar, assimilation in strong contracted verbs, entails the following:
- in all strong verbs, <h> falls from the 2nd and 3rd person singular present tense forms; e.g. OE te_on te_o ti_ehst ti_eht` > eME te__n te__ te__st te__t` te__n;
- in class 1 strong verbs, the vowel of the infinitive and 1st person singular and plural present tense forms, conforms to the <i__> of the 2nd and 3rd person forms: OE wre_on (wri_ga) wre_o wri_hst wri_gd` > eME wri__en wri__e wri__st wri__t` wri__en;
- in class 6 strong verbs, the vowel of the 2nd and 3rd person singular forms, conforms to the <ae> of the infinitive and 1st person singular and plural present tense forms: OE sle_an sle_a sliehst slieht` > eME slaen slae slaest slaet` slaen.
As stated above and at basic principles, my goal is to simplify verb paradigms within a related group of eME verbs, wherever a levelling pattern is evident in pre-1250 MED sources. With that in mind, the options for dealing with strong contracted verbs in eME are the following:
- drop the <h> from all 2nd and 3rd person present tense forms;
- restore the dropped <h> to the 1st person and plural present tense forms, as well as the infinitive;
- add <g> to the end of the stem in the infinitive and all present tense forms, replacing <h> in the 2nd and 3rd person forms;
Bear in mind that /h/ ceased to be pronounced between vowels in OE before the surviving texts were written down. As a result, in the present tense of contracted verbs <h> only survived in the 2nd and 3rd person forms, where it immediately preceded <st> and <t`> respectively. In later OE and increasingly in eME, that <h> was occasionally restored to an infinitive or 1st person singular or plural form, but as <g>, since /h/ no longer occurred in that environment. Hence pOE *wrihan > OE se_on, wre_on and also si_gan, wri_ga(n). We see a similar restoration in Orm heh hey%h`e pl where OE had heah he_a m/f nom pl. <h> (/h/) and <g> (/G``/ or /J``/) were often co-dependent sounds and spellings, one substituting for the other depending on context. Consider for example the preterites slo_h slo_gon. So when I talk below about restoring <h> throughout the present tense paradigm of an eME reflex of an OE contracted verb, that <h> will be <g> between vowels. Note that this restoration of <h> could also be seen as an extension of <g> (or <ng>) from the preterite and past participle forms to the present tense.
The verbs affected are OE le_on si_gan/se_on te_on t`e_on wre_on (wri_ga) s1, fle_on te_on s2, g`efe_on se_on s5, fle_an sle_an thwe_an s6, fo_n ho_n s7, sme_agan (sme_an) w:
- li_hen s1
- to lend, grant
- OE le_on inf li_h imp sg la_h pt sg3 ligen p ptc;
- The MED has lenen v w inf from lae_nan v w inf, but not le_n/li_en/li_hen v s1 inf.
- OS far-li_han, OHG li_han, Goth leihwan
- ti_hen s1
- to accuse
- OE te_on/ti_on inf ty_hst ti_ht` te_ot` pr te_o sbj pr sg te_ah tugon pt tuge sbj pt sg tygen pt pl;
- MED te_n (tegen/teo) inf tyxste pr sg2 tiy%th pr sg3;
- Note - the form tyxste is from 1450; the infinitive with <g> is from 1250; in OE this verb seems to have largely shifted to the conjugation of te_on s2 from te_ohan
- OS af-ti_han, OHG zi_han, Goth teihan
- t`i_hen s1
- to thrive, flourish, prosper
- OE t`e_on inf t`i_hd` pr sg3 t`e_ot`/t`i_gat` pr pl t`e_o sbj pr sg t`e_onde pr ptc t`a_h/t`e_ah t`igon/t`ugon pt t`igen/t`ogen p ptc;
- MED the_n (thein) inf d`ihd` pr sg3; Ch then inf theech pr sg1; TH t`ied` pr sg3;
- OLG/OS thi_han.
- Note - this verb has a foot in at least two camps. Forms consistent with classes 1, 2 and class 3 are recorded. For more detail, see class-hopping strong verbs. The normalised eME in this site uses only class 1 forms with t`i_hen.
- wri_hen s1
- to wrap, cover
- OE wre_on (wri_gan) inf wre_o wri_hst wri_gd` pr sg wre_od` pr pl wre_ah (a_) wrigon pt g`ewrigen p ptc;
- Lmn wriy%en inf, AW wrihen inf wrihed` pr pl; MED wri_en (wriy%en wrihen) inf wrieth writh wriy%th wrihd` pr sg3 wreth pr pl;
- OHG int-ri_han
- fle_hen s2
- to flee
- OE fle_on (fli_on) inf fli_onde pr ptc fle_o fli_hst/fly_hst fli_ht`/fly_ht` pr sg fle_ot`/fli_ot`/fly_t` pr pl fle_ah fluge flugon pt flogen p ptc
- Orm fle_(o)n inf fleot` pr sg3 Lmn fle_on inf flict` pr sg3 MED fle_n (fleiy%en/fliy%e/flie) inf fle_nde/fleonde pr ptc fle_th/fleith/fliy%t/vliy%t`/fli_t` pr sg3 flē/fleo/fli_y%/fli_h imp sg fle_/fleo/flei/fli_y%e/fli_e sbj sg
- OS fliohan, OHG fliuhan, Goth t`liuhan
- te_hen s2
- to draw, tow, tug; draw near, approach
- OE te_on inf te_o ty_hst tieht` (ti_ht`/te_ht`) te_ot` pr te_oh imp sg te_onde pr ptc te_ah tugon pt g`etogen p ptc
- Lmn teon inf tid` pr sg3, AW teon inf teod` pr pl, Owl tiht` pr sg3 teo pr sbj sg, MED te_n (tegh) inf te_d`/tihd` pr sg3 tgen pr pl togen p ptc
- OS tiohan, OHG ziohan, Goth tiuhan
- (i)fehen s5
- to rejoice
- OE (g`e)fe_on inf fe_ogad` pr pl feah fae_gon pt (g`e)fegen/faegen p ptc
- not found in MED
- sehen s5
- to see
- OE se_on inf se_o siehst sieht` (si_t`) se_od` (si_ot`) pr seh (i/io) imp sg seah sa_won/sae_gon pt sewen/seg`en/segen p ptc
- Orm sen (eo) seo sest (eo) set` (eo) pr seo sbj pr sg, Lmn sehste pr sg2, Owl iso(n) inf iso pr sg1 sichst pr sg2 sut` pr sg3 so sbj pr sg sewi imp sg, PC1 sed` (eo) pr sg3, MED se_n (seiy%en/sey%e) inf se_/se_ghe pr sg1 se_xt/sixt/sikst/sicst/sixst/sichst pr sg2 se_th/se_y%t/sihd`/sicd`/sikt`/siy%th pr sg3 se_n/se_th/zyey%/soey% pr pl
- OS sehan, OHG sehan, Goth saihwan
- flahen s6
- to flay
- OE fle_an inf *flo_h *flo_gon pt be-flagen p ptc
- Lmn flan (flean) inf, StJ flea sbj pr sg, StM flo inf, MED flen (flein) inf flay%st pr sg2 fle_th/fleis pr sg3
- ON fla_, MDu vla`en vla`eghen, ProtoG *flahana
- slahen s6
- to slay, strike
- OE (g`e)sle_an (sla_n) inf slehst (sle_s) pr sg2 slieht`/slae_ht`/sle_t` (i/y) pr sg3 sleah imp sg sle_ande pr ptc slo_h slo_gon pt g`eslaeg`en/slagen p ptc
- Orm slaen/slan inf slast pr sg2 slaet`/slat` pr sg3, Lmn slaen inf slaed` pr sg3, AW to sleanne inf dat slead` pr sg3, SO slo inf, Ch slee(n) inf, MED sle_n (slay%en/slay%e) inf sle_st/slecst/slas/scalst pr sg2 sle_th/slekth/slay%th/sslay%t/sleihd` pr sg3 sleen/sleiy%/sley%th/slehth/slexth/slage pr pl
- ON sla_, OS/OHG/Goth slahan
- t`wahen s6
- to wash, cleanse
- OE t`we_an inf t`we_a d`wehst/t`wyhst d`weht` pr t`weh/d`uah t`we_ad` imp t`we_a t`we_an sbj pr t`wo_h t`wo_gon/d`wo_gan pt g`et`wagen/t`waeg`en (e/o) p ptc
- MED thwen inf t`weh imp sg d`weah pt sg3 it`wey%en p ptc
- ON t`va_, OS thwahan, OHG dwahan, Goth t`wahan
- fangen s6
- to seize, grasp
- OE fo_n inf fo_ fe_hst fe_(h)th/fo_hth fo_th pr fe_ng fe_nge fe_ngon pt fo_h fo_t` imp fo_ fo_n sbj pr fe_nge fe_ngen sbj pt g`efangen/fongen p ptc
- Orm fon (on)fanngenn inf fot` pr sg3, Lmn (i)fon inf, AW underued` pr sg3, Owl ifot` pr sg3 fo on pr pl sbj, PH3 foangen inf, Ch fonge inf, MED fo_n/fongen (fangen) inf fo_th/fo_ht`/fe_t`/fongeth/fanges/fengeth pr sg3
- ON fa__/fanga, OS fahan/fangan, OHG fa__han, Goth fahan
- hangen s6
- to hang
- OE ho_n inf ho_t` pr pl ho_h imp sg he_ng he_ngon pt hangen p ptc
- Lmn hon inf hangest pr sg2, AW hon/hongin inf honged` pr sg3 hongi sbj pr sg2, Owl hongi inf hot` pr sg3, SO honget` pr sg3, Ch honge inf, MED hongen (ho_n) inf hongeth pr sg3
- ON hanga, OHG hahan, Goth hahan
regularisation of strong contracted verbs in ME
In the verbs listed above, there are ten examples of an <h> (or <g>) restored to the infinitive, eight cases of <h> (or <g>) restored to plural present tense forms and one case of an <h> (<gh>) restored to a 1st person present tense form:
OE wrigan inf t`i_gat` fe_ogad` pr pl; MED 1250 tegen AW wrihen, Lmn wriy%en, 1400 fleiy%en/fliy%e, 1400tegh, 1300 seiy%en/sey%e, slay%en inf, Lmn sey%e, se_ghe pr sg1, 1250 tgen, 1175 BH sey%en, sleiy%/sley%th/slehth/slexth/slage pr pl
At the same time, we can see examples of the <h> dropped in 2nd and 3rd person present tense forms in OE. We also see that it is common for the <h> to be retained in 2nd and 3rd person present tense forms in ME.
Significantly, there are ten examples of the present tense stem vowel reverting to <a> in class 6 contracted verbs - flay%st slan/slo scalst/slast/slas slay%t`/sslay%t/slat` slage, four of which are in combination with <h> (or <g>). Restoration of <ng> to the infinitive and present tense forms is common in the class 7 verbs fangen hangen.
All of this leads us to three competing schemes for present tense forms in contracted strong verbs:
a scheme for present tense forms based on standard OE forms
- s1 eME wre_n inf, wre_ wri_hst wri_ht` wre_n pr, wra_h wrigen iwrigen
- s2 eME te_n inf, te_ te_hst te_ht` te_n pr, tae_h tugen itogen
- s5 eME se_n inf, se_ sehst seht` se_n pr, sah sae_gen isegen
- s6 eME slae_n inf, slae_ slehst sleht` slae_n pr, slo_h slo_gen islagen
- s7 eME fo_n inf, fo_ fehst feht` fo_n pr, fe_ng fe_ngen ifangen
- w2 eME smae_gen inf, smae_ge smae_gest smae_get` smae_gen pr, smae_de smae_den ismae_d
a scheme for present tense forms based on patterns evident in PC2/Orm
The relevant Orm forms recorded in the MED are: sen sest set` slan/slaen slast slat`/slaet` fon fot`
- s1 eME wre_n inf, wre_ wre_st wre_t` wre_n pr, wra_h wrigen iwrigen
- s2 eME te_n inf, te_ te_st te_t` te_n pr, tae_h tugen itogen
- s5 eME se_n inf, se_ se_st se_t` se_n pr, sah sae_gen isegen
- s6 eME sla_n (slae_n) inf, sla_ sla_st sla_t` sla_n (slae_ slae_st slae_t` slae_n) pr, slo_h slo_gen islagen
- s7 eME fo_n inf, fo_ fo_st fo_t` fo_n pr, fe_ng fe_ngen ifangen
- w2 eME smae_gen inf, smae_ge smae_gest smae_get` smae_gen pr, smae_gede smae_geden ismae_ged
a scheme for present tense forms based on regularisation patterns evident in MED
Key MED forms which indicate restoration of <h> (or <g>) to the infinitive and 1st person and plural present tense forms are AW wrihen, Lmn wriy%en, MED tegen: TODO
- s1 eME wri_hen inf, wri_he wri_hst wri_ht` wri_hen pr, wra_h wrigen iwrigen
- s2 eME te_hen inf, te_he te_hst te_ht` te_hen pr, tae_h tugen itogen
- s5 eME sehen inf, sehe sehst seht` sehen pr, sah sae_gen isegen
- s6 eME slahen inf, slahe slahst slaht` slahen pr, slo_h slo_gen islagen
- s7 eME fangen inf, fange fangst fangt` fangen pr, fe_ng fe_ngen ifangen
- w2 eME smae_gen inf, smae_ge smae_gest smae_get` smae_gen pr, smae_gede smae_geden ismae_ged
Suggested scheme for the conjugation of OE contracted verbs in eME:
Levelling of a verb paradigm is good but levelling which reinstates the <h> is better because it regularises the conjugation, i.e. - brings it into line with the standard pattern, and thus removes both an impediment to the learner and an obstacle for the more experienced user.
So I'm interested not only in Orm/PC2 and ModE forms, but also levelling tendencies and/or regularisation indicated by any pre 1300 MED sources.
Regularisation trumps Orm/PC2. But Orm/PC2 plus ModE (with levelling) trumps regularisation. Given that, my preferred scheme is the following:
- s1 eME wri_hen (wre_n) inf, wri_he wri_hst wri_ht` wri_hen (wre_ wre_st wre_t` wre_n) pr, wra_h wrigen iwrigen
- s2 eME te_hen (te_n) inf, te_he te_hst te_ht` te_hen (te_ te_st te_t` te_n) pr, tae_h tugen itogen
- s5 eME se_n (sehen) inf, se_ se_st se_t` se_n (sehe sehst seht` sehen) pr, sah sae_gen isegen
- s6 eME slae_n (slahen) inf, slae_ slae_st slae_t` slae_n (slahe slahst slaht` slahen) pr, slo_h slo_gen islagen
- s7 eME fangen (fo_n) inf, fange fangst fangt` fangen (fo_ fo_st fo_t` fo_n) pr, fe_ng fe_ngen ifangen
- w2 eME smae_gen inf, smae_ge smae_gest smae_get` smae_gen pr, smae_gede smae_geden ismae_ged
Four of the thirteen contracted verbs listed above have survived to ModE without <h> - fle_n se_n flae_n slae_n. These are the same four verbs for which I prefer the <h>-less forms in eME. That said, flae_n and slae_n are a special case. For a start, there are no recorded forms of flae_n in PC2 or Orm. Then there's the fact that Orm's forms slan slast slat` support the restored <a> vowel in slahen slahst slaht`. With that in mind, some users may prefer forms with <h> in all cases except fle_n and se_n. On a separate note, forms with <h> may prevent confusion, for example - te_ht` pr sg3 (draws) vs te_t` n pl (teeth).
The final choice regarding OE strong contracted verbs in eME, is left to the user.
## End of the latest scheme proposed prior to the application of principles 3 & 4. ##
4 options for dealing with these "h-less" verbs in eME:
These options preceded the approach outlined in the section above.
The question that needs to be asked at this point is this: "Does any of this complexity or inconsistency disappear in eME? In other words - is a pattern of simplifation evident in the eME sources?"
Before we even look at the eME sources to answer that question, it might be an interesting exercise to speculate on some possible paths of development that these contracted verbs might follow in eME, and then compare the forms that arise form that exercise with real eME forms. Here then are four possible paths of development. Note that in each option we would proceed as we do with any other lexical item - each form within a conjugation would be based on the coresponding standard OE form, but additional eME forms would be permitted, if supported by either Orm or PC2 and at least one other eME source:
- no regularisation: no pattern of simplification is evident in eME sources; the eME forms are inherited directly from OE, and thus reflect all inconsistencies and deviations from the common pattern of the class to which the verb belongs;
- maximum regularisation with 'h': 'h' has lingered in variant forms, perhaps in certain dialects, often in related adjectives and/or nouns, and in the case of the strong verbs - in the 2nd and 3rd person singular foms; eME forms tend to extend this 'h' by anlaogy, to the remaining present tense forms and the infinitve; vowel differences are also smoothed over; so we adapt all infinitive and present tense forms to the normal pattern of their respective verb classes and restore the pOE <h>;
- maximum regularisation with 'g': as above, except that 'h' between vowels regularly becomes 'g' in eME; so, we adapt all infinitive and present tense forms to the normal pattern of their respective verb classes and insert a <g> between vowels, where pOE had <h>;
- minimum regularisation: adapt all infinitive and present tense forms to the normal vowel pattern of their respective verb classes, but leave out the pOE <h>.
An illustration of the 4 options, for each class:
- s1 OE wre_on wre_o wri_hst wri_ht` wre_ot` pr, wra_h wrigon g`ewrigen > eME
- wre_n wre_ wri_hst wri_ht` wre_n pr, wra_h wrigen iwrigen
- wri_hen wri_he wri_hest wri_het` wri_hen pr, wra_h wrigen iwrigen
- wri_gen wri_ge wri_gest wri_get` wri_gen pr, wra_h wrigen iwrigen
- wri_en wri_e wri_est wri_et` wri_en pr, wra_h wrigen iwrigen
- s2 OE te_on te_o ti_ehst ti_eht` te_ot` pr, te_ah tugon g`etogen > eME
- te_n te_ te_hst te_ht` te_n pr, tae_h tugen itogen
- te_hen te_he te_hest te_het` te_hen pr, tae_h tugen itogen
- te_gen te_ge te_gest te_get` te_gen pr, tae_h tugen itogen
- te_n te_ te_st te_t` te_n pr, tae_h tugen itogen
- s5 OE se_on se_o siehst sieht` se_ot` pr, seah sae_gon g`esegen > eME
- se_n se_ sehst seht` se_n pr, sah sae_gen isegen
- sehen sehe sehest sehet` sehen pr, sah sae_gen isegen
- segen sege segest seget` segen pr, sah sae_gen isegen
- se_n se_ se_st se_t` se_n pr, sah sae_gen isegen
- s6 OE sle_an sle_a sliehst slieht` sle_at` pr, slo_h slo_gen g`eslagen/slaeg`en > eME
- slae_n slae_ slehst sleht` slae_n pr, slo_h slo_gen islagen
- slahen slahe slahest slahet` slahen pr, slo_h slo_gen islagen
- slagen slage slagest slaget` slagen pr, slo_h slo_gen islagen
- sla_n sla_ sla_st sla_t` sla_n pr, slo_h slo_gen islagen
- s7 OE fo_n fo_ fe_hst fe_ht` fo_t` pr, fe_ng fe_ngon g`efangen > eME
- fo_n fo_ fe_hst fe_ht` fo_n pr, fe_ng fe_ngen ifangen
- fahen fahe fahest fahet` fahen pr, fe_ng fe_ngen ifangen
- fagen fage fagest faget` fagen pr, fe_ng fe_ngen ifangen
- fa_n fa_ fa_st fa_t` fa_n pr, fe_ng fe_ngen ifangen
- w2 OE sme_ag`en sme_ag`e sme_ast sme_ad` sme_ag`ad` pr, sme_ade sme_adon g`esme_ad > eME
- sme_y`en sme_y`e smae_st smae_t` sme_y`en pr, smae_de smae_den ismae_d
- smae_hen smae_he smae_hest smae_het` smae_hen pr, smae_hde smae_hden ismae_hed
- smae_gen smae_ge smae_gest smae_get` smae_gen pr, smae_gede smae_geden ismae_ged
- smae_n smae_ smae_st smae_t` smae_n pr, smae_de smae_den ismae_d
Weighing up the options
The bottom line is this - in practice, none of the options above is entirely satisfactory. Options 1 and 4, are preferable since they produce results which are closest to actual eME forms. What is noticeable in the actual eME forms is that a simplification did occur but not quite in the direction indicated by the options above. <h> wasn't reinstated (nor <g> in its place) but there was an assimilation of vowels in the 2nd and 3rd person singular to the vowel of the 1st person singular and the infinitive. This vowel however wasn't necessarily the vowel of the predominant pattern within the class concerned. So for example, Orm has fo_t` where OE had fo_ and fe_ht`, but the option 4 form *fa_t` is not attested.
Once eME spelling is applied to the OE forms in the list above, the strong classes 1 and 7 are the only ones in which there is a clear departure from the normal vowel pattern of that class. With respect to class 1, most secondary eME sources support option 4 wri_en rather than option 1 wre_n. However a strict reading of the principles laid down for extracting eME, would disallow wri_en, since a similar form cannot be found in either Orm or PC2. And for class 7, Option 4 would give fa_n which has little if any support in secondary eME sources. Option 1 fo_n on the other hand, is well supported in eME, Orm included.
On reflection, the best way to proceed, the way which produces the forms most likely to have prevailed in the East Midlands circa 1200, is to adopt a mixed approach which borrows from both Options 1 and 4, as follows:
- allow additional eME forms which follow the normal vowel pattern of the class in question, and which are supported by at least two secondary eME sources, even if neither Orm nor PC2 are among those sources; such an approach would yield wri_en, for example and would drop the <h> in 2nd and 3rd person singular present tense forms;
- allow both fo_n and fangen as infinitives, since both occur in Orm, but restrict present tense forms to fo_n fo_ fo_st fo_t` fo_n, since corresponding forms in *fang~ are not attested in eME.
The benefits of this approach are as follows:
- probably reflects the most widely used pronunciation in the East Midlands circa 1200; note the NED form wry, rather than wree and the fact that pOE *i:h in many cases was not changed to e_o in Mercian - hence li_ht where OE WS has le_oht;
- avoids distortions arising under Option 2 from restoration of <h> to all forms, which would make some of these harder to recognise for Modern English speakers than they would otherwise be (*sehe as opposed to see);
- keeps emE forms in line with those found in eME sources as well as Chaucer (Lmn wriy`en, AW wri(h)en, SO writ` set`, Ch sleen sleest sleeth yslayn/yslawen etc.);
- recognises the appearance of the simplified class 7 paradigm with infinitive in ~angen as early as the middle of the 13th century (PH3), it's prevalence by Chaucer's time and it's legacy in ModE;
- makes the pattern applicable to "h-less" verbs simpler and more transparent to Modern English speakers than Option 1 does, by regularising class 7 verbs and reducing the transformation rules for the other classes to 4:
- "h-less" verbs have their plural preterite and past participle forms in g;
- "h-less" verbs drop the <h> in the infinitive and all present tense forms;
- a resulting <ee> or <e_e> becomes <e_> (*sehen, *sehest > se_n, se_st);
- a resulting <ae> becomes <ae_> (*slahen, *slahest > slae_n, slae_st).
Preferred option
- s1 eME wri_en inf, wri_e wri_est wri_et` wri_en pr, wra_h wrigen iwrigen
- s2 eME te_n inf, te_ te_st te_t` te_n pr, tae_h tugen itogen
- s5 eME se_n inf, se_ se_st se_t` se_n pr, sah sae_gen isegen
- s6 eME slae_n inf, slae_ slae_st slae_t` slae_n pr, slo_h slo_gen islagen
- s7 eME fo_n/fangen inf, fo_ fo_st fo_t` fo_n pr, fe_ng fe_ngen ifangen
- w2 eME smae_n inf, smae_ smae_st smae_t` smae_n pr, smae_de smae_den ismae_d
Concluding remarks:
- Forms arising under options 1 (OE) and 3 (<g>) are permissible in eME, but the option outlined above is preferred;
- past participle forms in <iy`en/ey`en/ay`en> are also permissible; note that Orm sey`h`enn/Ch seyen and Ch yslawen/yslayn indicate that rival forms co-existed in classes 5 and 6 and probably in class 1 as well.
Background notes on fo_n/fangen and ho_n/hangen (now superseded):
Orm and Lmn have fon while PH3 has foangen and Ch has fonge. Orm has fot` and Owl ifot` pr sg3. The fact that both Piers and Gaw have fangen in the infinitive indicates that this form probably coexisted in the eME period with fo_n and prevailed after 1300.
MED records the following forms: fon (v.) Also i-fon, von; foth, foht`, fet`; ipv. fo, y`efoh; p. feng, fing, fong, fang; ppl. i-)fonge(n, fangen, i-)fon
It's interesting to compare the forms in related languages: O. Sax. fa__han, fangan : Frs. fean, fangen: O. Frs. fa : Dut. vangen, vaau: Ger. fangen, fahen: M. H. Ger. váhen: O. H. Ger fa__nan: Goth. fanan : Dan. faa, faae: Swed, fa, fanga: Icel. fa__, fanga : Lat. pangore to fasten
ho_n/hangen forms in our eME sources are: Lmn hon inf heng pt sg3, Orm heng pt sg3, Owl hot` pr sg3, StJ hon inf, SO henge pt sg3, Ch he(e)ng pt sg3
The evidence for fangen and hangen as ME reflexes of the OE infinitives ho_n and fo_n, is strong enough to warrant their inclusion in eME, alongside ho_n and fo_n. However the evidence for present tense forms following the "expanded" pattern - fangen and hangen, is patchy. Ch has hongeth/hangeth, probably influened by the ON hengja, but there are no recorded instances of the present tense forms *fang~e *~est *~et` *~en prior to 1300. On the other hand, contracted present tense forms show up in both Orm - fot` and Owl - ifot`. Consequently, eME presents the contracted forms in bold (i.e. as the pre-eminent or default forms), with the "expanded" forms in brackets.
weak "contracted" verbs
The following approach was abandoned when I realised that OE class 2 verbs in which the stem ends in a vowel, e.g. sme_ag`an, fre_og`an, behave no differently to their class II colleagues such as leornian. The only difference is that the <i> of the latter appears as <g(e)> in the former.
- in weak contracted verbs, <g> (G``) is restored throughout the paradigm, i.e. to 2nd and 3rd person singular present tense forms, as well as all preterite forms and the past participle;
assimilation in weak contracted verbs
In both the core grammar and the optional grammar, assimilation of present tense forms in weak contracted verbs, entails the following:
- in weak verbs, <g> is restored throughout the paradigm, i.e. to the 2nd and 3rd person singular present tense forms, as well as the past tense forms and past participle; e.g. OE sme_agan sme_age sme_ast sme_at` smae_de > eME smae_gan smae_ge smae_gest smae_get` smae_gede;
Class 7 strong verbs with short vowel in the infinitive
Should their preterite forms also have a short vowel in eME?
- OE feallan fe_oll fe_ollon feallen > fallen *fell *fellen fallen? (Orm felle pt sbj Ch fil pt sg3)
- OE healdan he_old he_oldon healden > ha_lden *held *helden ha_lden? (Orm held pt sbj Ch heeld/held pt sg3)
- OE fo_n fe_ng fe_ngon fangen > fo_n/fangen *feng *fengen fangen? (Gaw fange, PH3 foangen inf)
- OE ho_n he_ng he_ngon hangen > ho_n/hangen *heng *hengen hangen? (Ch honge/hangen hongeth/hangeth henge/heeng hanged)
In regard to verb classes, I'm concerned with establishing broad patterns of development leading from Old English to Middle English and on to Modern English. (See the ModE test.) If the evidence for a change to a feature of an OE verb class is barely discernible in eME, or no stronger than the evidence for the retention of the feature in question, I have retained the OE feature in eME. However, in the examples above, there appears to be a case for changing a feature of an OE verb class, in eME. On looking at these examples, the question arises - was there a general move from long vowels to short vowels in the preterite forms of class 7 strong verbs which had short vowels in the infinitive? Orm has only one example to substantiate the adoption of a short vowel in the eME preterites - felle (the subjunctive mood), which had been fe_olle in OE. (Orm held, which at first glance supports the retention of long vowels, is perhaps not terribly helpful in this context, since any vowel preceding /ld/ is lengthened in Orm.) Chaucer however, has the form heeng (as well as heeld), which supports the case for retaining the long vowel in the preterite forms for all class 7 verbs in eME.
If I felt that it would be easier for a newcomer to pre-modern English to remember that all class 7 verbs with a short vowel in the infinitve also have a short vowel in the preterite forms, I would be tempted to normalise class 7 verbs accordingly, in eME. But I doubt that. I think it's just as easy to remember that all class 7 preterites have a long vowel, regardless of the length of the vowel in the infinitive. Certainly fell and held would be more familiar to modern English speakers than fe_ll and he_ld, but it's hardly a quantum leap. And I'm loath to pull fallen and he_lden aside to create exceptions to the normal class 7 pattern. Thus, eME uses the preterite forms: fe_ll, he_ld, he_ng and fe_ng.
- fremian, fremman, framian
- CH: to further, advance, support; frame, make, do, perpetrate, commit, afford; avail, benefit, do good
- to fremmanne; ic fremme, ðú fremest, he fremeþ, pl. fremmaþ; p. fremede, fremde, pl. fremedon; impert. freme, pl. fremmaþ; subj. pres. fremme, pl. fremmen; pp. fremed. the OE forms listed in BT match those in the table above
- The MED has fremmen (to perform, accomplish) from fremman as well as fremen (to help, aid, advance, benefit, be profitable to, do good to, strengthen; avail, be effective) and framen (benefit, profit; refresh) from fremian.
- fremen TH 1200 fremen inf MED fremmen perform, accomplish ModE frame
- Proto-Germanic *framjaną > OS fremmian, OF frema, fremma